By Sarah Lamb
The proliferation of outdated age houses and lengthening numbers of aged dwelling by myself are startling new phenomena in India. those traits are regarding wide in a foreign country migration and the transnational dispersal of households. during this relocating and insightful account, Sarah Lamb exhibits that older people are leading edge brokers within the strategies of social-cultural swap. Lamb's research probes debates and cultural assumptions in either India and the us concerning how most sensible to age; the correct social-moral courting between participants, genders, households, the marketplace, and the nation; and methods of discovering that means within the human lifestyles course.
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Extra resources for Aging and the Indian Diaspora: Cosmopolitan Families in India and Abroad (Tracking Globalization)
Meyer Fortes mused that a generational model is an “apt imagery by means of which to depict continuities and discontinuities in a community’s social and cultural life over a stretch of time” (1984:106). Pierre Bourdieu writes of how the habituses of people born of different generations will often be in conflict, because their habituses have been produced under different circumstances: This is why generation conflicts oppose not age-classes separated by natural properties, but habitus which have been produced by different modes of generation, that is, by conditions of existence which, in imposing different definitions of the impossible, the possible, and the probable, cause one group to experience as natural or reasonable practices or aspirations which another group finds unthinkable or scandalous, and vice versa.
Edward LiPuma argues, for instance, that “there can be no theory of transformation without a theory and ethnography of generations, a concept often presupposed in anthropological discourse but rarely spoken about” (2000:xiii). His ethnography focuses on the process of encompassment of the Maring of Highland New Guinea by colonialism, capitalism, and Christianity—“what is known as modernity” (p. xi). He examines the period from roughly 1955 to 1980, when the oldest generation (those generally over about age sixty) could recall a life unfettered by foreign interventions; when the middle generation in power (aged thirty to mid-fifties) had been brought up in a traditional world but lived now ïœ±ïœ´ The Remaking of Aging wholly in the modern; and when the younger generation had never known a world untouched by missions and government and capitalism (p.
Rather, it was more that my informants accepted that many features of the “modern” “West” had arrived in India and in diasporic Indians’ lives, partly through their own doing. What they needed to work on now was to make sense of these, to critique and evaluate them, to contend with them—embracing some, rejecting others, reshaping and interpreting yet others, and, when possible and desirable, integrating the more “Western” forms with certain more “Indian” (often represented as “traditional” or “older”) principles, institutions, lifeways, and conceptualizations of personhood, family, and the life course.